Homeworks writing service

A history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o

The fact that so many important events took place in Greenwich Palace makes it an appropriate setting for an exhibition about Elizabeth I, and one which by its very location requires some kind of imaginative response, trying to envision the Tudor brick-built riverside palace that no longer remains.

Edward VI died there. Anne Boleyn was arrested on charges of treasonous adultery after a tournament held there in 1536; over fifty years later it was there that her daughter finally signed the death warrant for Mary, Queen of Scots.

Keep Exploring Britannica

The very location of the exhibition compels you to envisage the Tudor palace that lay beside the river. Henry VIII had moved heaven and earth to annul his first marriage to Katherine of Aragon, and marry Anne Boleyn, and both his personal a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o and the royal propaganda of the time seemed to rest on a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o assurance that he was hereby doing the will of God.

Both parents had firmly believed that God would bless their cause by sending the long-awaited son and heir. The arrival of a princess was a blow to royal confidence, to the new royal marriage, and to the still very shaky infrastructure of an English Church independent of the papacy.

One of the most poignant exhibits in this exhibition is the letter from Anne Boleyn to Lord Cobham, announcing the new arrival, which had been prepared before the actual birth. This one small detail suggests the degree of confidence with which a son was expected, and commensurately, the scale of the disappointment which must have followed. From the point of her accession, the exhibition branches out, moving from her family history, private tribulations and convictions, to her public life at court, the iconography of her queenship, the questions of religion, marriage and foreign policy, the problems of succession and the difficulties of her final years.

The rationale of the exhibition was to concentrate on Elizabeth herself rather than on the Elizabethan age in general, but the scope of the exhibits is broad. One especially apposite emphasis is the importance of trade and exploration — it was from Greenwich that Elizabeth bade farewell to Martin Frobisher, sailing off in search of the North-West Passage. This exhibition brings together a fabulous selection of portraits, manuscripts and artefacts, and undoubtedly should be seen by everyone with even a slight interest in Tudor history.

Some of the images will be familiar, but most are not, and even the portraits well-known from book illustrations take on a new glow when seen in the original. A history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o private side of Elizabeth emerges in objects such as the locket ring which opens to show portraits of Elizabeth and Anne Boleyn, side by side, but which closed gives no indication of the hidden, and perhaps painful, family link it depicts.

At the other end of the scale we see the maps which indicate the mental world of the time: In this section the existing Elizabethan collection of the National Maritime Museum finds a perfect setting, and books, maps, charts and scientific instruments all testify to the extraordinary achievements of the Elizabethan seafarers.

This had a human side too: This echoes the appearance of more straightforwardly religious heirlooms in the exhibition, the possessions of Mary, Queen of Scots, lent by the descendants of the recusant families of the time who, in defiance of the authorities, treasured them as relics, and passed them down to future generations. The iconography of Elizabeth is perhaps more well-known, but still fascinating, and thankfully there are more measured claims made here for its significance than sometimes appear.

The splendour of some of the portraits contrasts well with some of the more homely artefacts of life at court; the slightly crude stove-tile with the royal cipher, and the sturdy candle-sconce which bears the royal coat of arms. The reappearance of these royal arms in a painted triptych from a Suffolk parish church reinforces how the Elizabethan religious settlement, whatever its doctrinal ambiguities, sought to replace traditional religious imagery with more politicized royal emblems.

The doors of this triptych, when closed, reveal a selection a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o biblical texts denouncing a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o use of religious images, showing the close accommodation possible between royal propaganda and puritan convictions. No doubt the problem with any exhibition these days is how to marry the views of the historical experts with the views of those responsible for marketing and public relations.

It seems a shame, however, that this wonderful exhibition should have to delve at all into such facile distortions. It should not have to sentimentalize, or dramatize what is already so obviously extraordinary. It does not patronize the general public with too much over-simplification, and assumes, reasonably enough, that anyone whose imagination is fired by these exhibits might well be prepared to think more deeply about them.

The inclusion of transcripts of key documents in the exhibition brochure is a good indication of this, and the whole is supported by the superb catalogue which accompanies the exhibition, edited by Susan Doran. This has essays by a range of Elizabethan experts, which manage to be clear and concise enough for the non-specialist without losing any of the historical depth — it also has an array of beautiful illustrations, meticulously referenced and explained.

There is, fortunately, too broad and varied an array of historical evidence here to let glib generalization eclipse historical veracity, and the messages conveyed by this exhibition manage on the whole to be informative without being dogmatic or sensationalist.

British History Timeline

The exhibition runs until 14 September 2003 at the National Maritime Museum: Duchhardt Mainz, 1997pp. The article compares English and Scottish responses to the union of the crowns in 1603 following the accession of James VI and I, examining the reluctance of the English to rethink their ideas on sovereignty, and the problems inherent in an 'imperfect union'.

Click here for more information about the journal, including a list of forthcoming articles Foreword: Kinloss mentioned the anxieties the king endured before coming to the English throne, but added 'by a Divine miracle all has gone well'. James himself was convinced that his safe arrival on the throne formerly occupied by Queen Elizabeth was literally God-designed, in order to bring the two realms of England and Scotland closer together. However, for all the talk about miracles, the reality was more prosaic.

In the early hours of 24 March 1603, Elizabeth I died at Richmond. The 'Virgin Queen' made no explicit provision for an heir, fearing that she might encourage faction within her kingdom.

Yet James VI of Scotland was smoothly proclaimed as the new king. There was no opposition, but equally no immediate celebration. The London diarist John Manningham slyly noted that the proclamation was met with 'silent joye, noe great shouting', although there were bonfires and a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o that evening as the announcement sank in.

Three days later in Edinburgh, the king himself received the news with exultation. Yet in English law James's claim was uncertain. Since 1351, foreigners were forbidden to inherit English lands, which might block James from inheriting the Crown and its a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o.

The parliamentary succession statute of 1544 mentioned no heir after Elizabeth and her children if anywhile the 1547 will of Henry VIII debarred his Scottish relatives from the throne. More recently a statute of 1585 insisted that if any claimants should conspire against Elizabeth, all their legal rights were forfeited. Mary Queen of Scots had been executed in 1587 for her involvement in Catholic assassination plots against Elizabeth.

As Mary's son and potential beneficiary of her actions, was James compromised? Exempt from the 1351 aliens statute, Arbella might be a serious contender. Isabella was dangerously close at hand in Brussels, and James was agitated by the possibility that she might re-assert that 1588 claim and urge English Catholics to rise and support her.

However, James had the great advantage of being a proven monarch. Emerging from his long minority, he steadily gained control over both the Scottish kirk and the nobility. His flexible but tenacious pursuit of his aims revitalised Scottish kingship.

As Edinburgh steadily extended effective government into the distant Highlands and Western Islands, James enjoyed a rising reputation in Europe. Among the Englishmen turning northward as Elizabeth aged was the young earl of Essex, after 1589 her favourite, who secretly committed himself to James.

By 1601, however, Essex had lost Elizabeth's favour and after a chaotic revolt in London he was tried and executed. A history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o was a blow to the king's hopes. Essex was popular, and as a privy councillor he was an ideal informant on English policy. Now James had to start again, rebuilding his party of supporters at the English court. James was already showing signs of frustration as Elizabeth remained obdurately silent on the succession.

Consumed by his ambition to succeed her, he was angered at being treated with condescension as a beginner in the arts of kingship. He even asked his Scottish subjects to sign a General Band bond for the maintenance of his title to England, though without prejudice to the rights of Elizabeth in her lifetime.

However, in June 1600 the Scottish estates ridiculed any suggestion of taking the English throne by force. Then, in August 1600, the king was embroiled in the Gowrie plot, when an attempt was apparently made against his life. This murky episode seemed to point to rising tensions between James and his leading nobles that might revive political instability.

In England, after the death of Lord Burghley in 1598, his son Sir Robert Cecil was the queen's principal secretary of state and most influential privy councillor.

Essex's rebellion convinced Cecil that the succession must be settled before Elizabeth's death. It was too risky to leave the matter open, since further tumults could destabilise both England and Scotland. In April 1601 James sent two envoys south, to repair the damage in relations caused by Essex's revolt, and Cecil indicated his willingness to co-operate.

An exchange of letters began, but a secret correspondence with a foreign monarch was a treasonable offence. Cecil was risking his career and perhaps his life, so the letters were partly encoded; Cecil was '10', Elizabeth was '24', James was '30'. The king was reassured by his new-found alliance with the secretary and promised that he would not aim for the English throne except through his firm amity with the queen. He put aside any thoughts of intervention and Cecil ensured that a substantial increase was added to the English pension which James already received.

It seems likely that she understood that Cecil was negotiating with James. Even though Elizabeth refused a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o acknowledge him openly, he was her most suitable heir and in her letters she addressed him as 'dearest brother and cousin'. Between 1601 and 1603, Elizabeth continued her annual routine of a short summer progress and Christmas revels. She was sixty-nine on 7 September 1602. A play was performed before her at court in March 1603; in London the theatre was flourishing as never before.

Then she began to sink, refusing food and finally taking to her bed. John Manningham learned from one of her chaplains that her death was 'mildly like a lambe, easily like a a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o apple from the tree'. Meanwhile her privy council was taking every precaution to ensure stability. Cecil prudently prepared the proclamation announcing the transfer of the Crown and sent it north for the king's approval.

His elder half-brother Thomas Cecil was lord president of the council in the north, a key post facilitating contacts with Edinburgh. The ports were closed, and extra watchmen reinforced by local householders patrolled throughout London. There was no trouble at home and no sign of any foreign forces supporting the archduchess.

Neither the unmarried Arbella nor the childless Isabella enjoyed much support. After forty years of spinster rule, a male monarch offered a welcome return to normality. James was a married man with children - two boys and a girl - and his young family promised longterm dynastic stability. On 27 March 1603 A history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o James wrote to Cecil praising him and his fellow-councillors for their care in overseeing what he described as an unprecedented event, 'the translation of a monarchy'.

Civil War and Revolution

On 5 April he left Edinburgh, optimistically assuring his people that he would return in three years, and typically borrowing 10,000 Scottish merks for his travel expenses.

He crossed the border at Berwick and continued south to York, where he delighted the crowd by walking through the streets to the Minster for the Easter service. The ride south became a triumphant progress, with James feasting and indulging his passion for hunting.

He thought he was witnessing an outpouring of spontaneous affection, but the overwhelming public a history of the economic problems of the english rulers since james o was relief at the peaceful succession, mixed with natural curiosity. James also wanted to introduce his ideas on kingship to his English subjects.

His Basilicon Doron, 'the king's book' of advice for his son, was promptly reprinted in London with a new royal preface. The publication was almost certainly organised by Cecil. It signalled that the king was a keen author; a flood of political and theological works was to follow. The speed and ease of the unchallenged transition aroused some astonishment.